Rhetoric of Security

What becomes securitised through the political process is due not only to the discourse, but the acceptance of it from the general public or audience. Issues deemed to be ‘security issues’, call for a response or reaction outside that of the norm. Anything that could potentially impede upon ones ability to ‘survive’ can be treated as a security issue. I use the term ‘survive’ lightly here, because often threats posed are not as extreme as they are made to be, and therefore, endangering our survival.

Fear is the most important emotion in humans directly targeted at by the state to achieve their agenda. A campaign based on fear is a sure way to create vulnerability within a population. The states response to such fears with potential solution pathways allows the population to place their trust, faith and hope for protection of their right to ‘survive’ into the state. This tactic was utilised heavily in the 2016 United States presidential election campaign. Trump’s campaign slogan called to ‘Make America Great Again’, as if it was prior somewhat broken.

Take also for instance, Australia’s response to its borders in 2013. To address the arrival of numerous boats, a strict border protection operation, Operation Sovereign Borders, was enforced. Its aim was to deter asylum seekers from arriving on Australian shores. Its high controversy would have allowed one to believe that all of the asylum seekers were criminals of some sort, threatening the survival of Australian citizens. On an international scale, Australia does not receive a large number of asylum seekers and refugees. The ‘threat’ and subsequent stern response, I believe did not align in harmony.

We too often commit to the values and objectives of those in authority without taking a look at the other side first. It is essential to look at such examples of securitisation and ask: is what is being posed as a threat, actually a threat?




Amitav Acharya (2011) Human Security. In The Globalization of World Politics: An Introduction to International Relations edited by John Baylis, Steve Smith and Patricia Owens. 5th edition. Oxford, Oxford University Press. (Chapter 29)

Barry Buzan, Ole Wæver and Jaap de Wilde (1998) Security: A New Framework for Analysis. Boulder, Lynne Rienner. (Chapter 2)

Christopher Browning and Matt McDonald (2013) The future of critical security studies: Ethics and the politics of security. European Journal of International Relations,19(2): 235-255

Why dying with dignity matters

Below are two paragraphs from a university essay that I submitted last year. The essay discusses euthanasia, through examining the sanctity of life argument, why dying with dignity matters, the slippery slope argument and real life safeguards. Euthanasia is a moral issue of our time. To stimulate thought about the subject core, I wish to share my two academically engaged paragraphs on why dying with dignity matters.

I argue that self worth and fundamental values are disrespected by restricting people from acting upon what life and death mean to them. There is no distinct moral difference between letting die and euthanasia. James Rachel’s (1986, p. 111) argues that although passive euthanasia, which merely lets someone die, as opposed to active euthanasia, which kills purposefully, there is nothing to suggest that the ‘latter is worse than the former’. Joel Feinberg (1978) lists core values of ‘authenticity, integrity and distinct self-identity’ that are aligned with autonomy. Dying with dignity encompasses intrinsic, unconditional qualities of humans, along with external physical aspects of ‘autonomy, meaningfulness, preparedness, and interpersonal connection’ (Cuttini et al. 2004). Historical tracings take us back to the Stoics, where ‘self-killing was justified’, to ‘offset the effects of pain, mutilation or incurable illness’ (Paterson 2008). A distinction must be made between being alive and merely having a life. The former focuses on biology, whereas the significant latter on ‘worthwhile biographical characteristics’ that make life valuable (Paterson 2008). Peter Singer (2011, p. 93) focuses on the quality of life in order to inform decision making when it comes to euthanasia and will in some cases justify its practice.

 Lower enjoyment of life levels, depression and pain are reasons people wish to no longer live. A study on views of euthanasia recruited a total of 142 neonatal intensive care units, predominantly in Europe and the United Kingdom. The overwhelming opinion was that active euthanasia is needed now more than ever, which I argue provides a means of relief for the ill patient, as well as the family (Cuttini et al. 2004). It must be noted that euthanasia is a method to be used for those who cannot have their suffering alleviated, because their critical position puts them past such a stage to ‘experience the relief of suffering’ (Brouwer et al. 2018, p. 2). If palliative care is also going to bring about death, I opt for different means to bring about quicker ends, to ensure individual autonomy remains. Bentham, (2007, p. 43) a key thinker of utilitarianism, suggested that it could be morally justifiable to seek to end a life, given that it had outlived its benefit and usefulness. A quality of life stance must be taken on euthanasia, rather than an obsession about how it is wrong to kill. To die with dignity is a right one should have access to, as opposed to leaving this world suffering.

Bentham, J 2007, An Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation, Dover Publications Inc., New York, NY.

Brouwer, M, Kaczor, C, Battin, MP, Maeckelberghe, E, Lantos, JD & Verghagen, E 2018, ‘Should Pediatric Euthanasia be Legalized?’, Pediatrics, vol. 141, no. 2, pp. 1-5, viewed 10 September 2018, http://pediatrics.aappublications.org/content/142/3?current-issue=y

Cuttini, M, Casotto, V, Kaminski, M, Beaufort, ID, Berbik, I, Hansen, G, Kollée, L, Kucinskas, A, Lenoir, S, Levin, A, Orzalesi, M, Persson, J, Rebagliato, M, Reid, M & Saracci, R 2004, ‘Should euthanasia be legal? An international survey of neonatal intensive care units staff’, ADC: Archives of Disease in Childhood, vol. 89, no. 1, pp. 19-24, viewed 10 September 2018, https://fn.bmj.com

Feinberg, J 1978, ‘Voluntary Euthanasia and the Inalienable Right to Life’, PPA: Philosophy & Public Affairs, vol. 7, no. 2, pp. 93-123, viewed 10 September 2018, https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/journal/10884963

Paterson, C 2008,  Assisted Suicide and Euthanasia: A Natural Law Ethics Approach, Routledge, New York, NY, viewed 10 September 2018, https://ebookcentral-proquest-com.ezproxy1.library.usyd.edu.au/lib/usyd/reader.action?docID=438867&query=

Rachels, J 1986, Active and passive euthanasia, Oxford University Press, New York, NY.

Singer, P 2011, Practical ethics, 3rd edn, Cambridge University Press, England.

Thailand’s Universal Coverage System a model for all

400 million people in the world are without access to basic healthcare. ‘11 million people a year fall into poverty’ (Edmond 2019) in Africa as a result of healthcare costs. South East Asian country Thailand has successfully introduced an affordable healthcare system, which has globally been labelled a success. The effective model proves that accessibility to healthcare and medicine is not dependent on the wealth of a country, but rather on the supportive structure. It provides hope and guidance that through appropriate planning and implementation, healthcare doesn’t just have to be a goal for countries currently lacking a scheme.

The United States, one of the most industralised countries in the world, has a fractured healthcare system and no universal coverage.  The incredibly high costs of accessing healthcare cause many to be unable to receive treatments and medication required for living. Insurance premiums are constantly rising, whilst the quality of service falls. Despite progress with the Affordable Care Act of 2010 introduced by Barack Obama, serious problems remain. When we compare the healthcare systems of a country like Thailand, compared to the lack thereof in the United States, we realise that there is truly a lot to be learnt.

Before the UCS, one quarter of people did not have insurance (Jongudomsuk et al. 2015, p. 19). As a result, in 2000 many families fell into poverty due to healthcare costs and thousands died ‘from easily preventable infectious diseases’ (George 2016). In 2001, the introduction of the Universal Coverage Scheme (UCS) began, and was fully implemented by January 2002 in Thailand. Prior to the reform, four different health insurance schemes covered 70% of the population. The reform strengthened two of the programs. As a result, there has been a decrease in child mortality rates, the amount of people unable to go to work due to illness and also in out of pocket payments (Edmond 2019). Quality of life standards and life expectancy have increased (Edmond 2019).

Since 2000, treatments such as antiretroviral therapies and renal replacement therapy have become widely accessible. 98% of the population in 2011 had access to healthcare (Edmond 2019), and the health scheme since this time only costs $80 per person annually (George 2016). The UCS has ensured extensive collaboration with rural health centers and providers in community hospitals to ensure quality care (Harris 2018). Fixed annual payments are also provided to physicians ‘to cover outpatient care’ (Harris 2018). The scheme also allows the government to have control over medicinal purchases and costs.

Thailand’s scheme is being praised as a global model for emerging markets. Political investment to the health of the country began decades ago. In 1992, the Health Systems Research Institute was established. This institute joined together academic and research agencies to ‘generate knowledge supporting policy formulation’ (Jongudomsuk et al. 2015, p. 1). Financially, ‘healthcare is funded through taxation’ (Edmond 2019). The burden is placed on those who are able to afford it, simultaneously benefiting those receiving the lowest bracket income. Public participation is also an essential element of the UCS. There are representatives on the ‘National Health Security Committee and Regional Health Security Committee’ from civil society groups (Jongudomsuk et al. 2015, p. 49). The direct contact between the community and government has allowed to community needs to be met.

The early progress Thailand made shouldn’t discourage other countries lacking a healthcare scheme from beginning now. With the right reformative measures in place, results can arise.

Edmond, C 2019, ‘Thailand gave healthcare to its entire population and the results were dramatic’, World Economic Forum, 15 April, viewed 27 June 2019, https://www.weforum.org

George, S 2016, ‘What Thailand can teach the world about universal healthcare’, The Guardian, 24 March, viewed 27 June 2019, https://www.theguardian.com/au

Harris, J 2018, ‘What the US could learn from Thailand about health care coverage’, The Conversation, 14 December, viewed 27 June 2019, https://theconversation.com/au

Jongudomsuk, P, Srithamrongsawat, S, Patcharanarumol, W, Limwattananon, S, Pannarunothai, S, Vapatanavong , P, Sawaengdee, K, Fahamnuaypol , P 2015, ‘The Kingdom of Thailand Health System Review’, Health Systems in Transition, vol. 5, no. 5, pp. 1-265

Norway’s zero emission car scheme a global model

Norway is the world leader of the electric car market. Electric cars, compared to conventional cars, which pose health risks due to pollutants they exhaust, emit no chemicals. Zero emission vehicles accounted for 30% of all new cars purchased in Norway in 2018 as stated in a recent report by the Norwegian Embassy ([NE] 2019). Such statistics owe their success to incentives provided to buyers of low emission cars, and punishments for those using gas or diesel cars. Norway’s system is one that can be aspired to across the globe.

Norway’s achievements have been worked towards for some decades now. Incentives were introduced from the 90s to encourage conversion to a zero emission scheme. Purchases of low emission cars for example are exempt from a 25% tax that conventional car buyers must pay (this policy is to be reviewed by the EU in 2020). Additionally, low emission car buyers are exempt from annual road tax, have access to bus lanes, free access to charging stations and do not pay at tollbooths (NE 2019). Norsk Elbilforening (NE) highlights the success in transition, as the ‘battery electric and plug-in hybrid vehicles together hold a 50% market share’ (NE n.d.).

A purchase tax is in place for the sale of all cars within Norway. The purchase tax for new cars is calculated by a combination of weight, carbon dioxide and nitrogen oxide emissions, making cars with high emissions expensive (NE n.d.). It is a progressive tax and makes most electric vehicle models cheaper to buy. Financial savings for the buyer is a key motivator for purchasing low emission cars, alongside the environmental benefits associated. Costs of running are also more favourable. Chief engineer of Norway’s Institute of Transport Economics, Erik Figenbaum, explained that annual costs for the electric car average ‘264 euros against an average of 1293 on petrol’ (Figenbaum as cited in Jones 2018).

Goals are continually being created to sustain success. The Norwegian government has set 2025 as the year for when all new cars sold ‘should be zero emission’ (Jones 2018).  Between 2016 and 2017, there was a ‘9.5% reduction in emissions from road transport’, suggesting the goal is achievable (NE 2019). This is in contrast to the same objective being reached in the United Kingdom (UK) by 2040. Minimal incentives exist in the UK, suggesting that there needs to be more enticements for the consumer to buy low emission cars.

Although the sustainable option for now, there is much to be improved upon. The process in sourcing natural minerals to produce the battery can be quite consuming and polluting. Such minerals consist of cobalt, lithium, manganese, nickel and graphite. Cobalt and lithium are considered rare minerals, and lithium prices doubled since 2015 (West 2017). When the battery stops being an effective power source for electric vehicles, the battery can ‘still have up to 70%’ of its capacity (Gardiner 2017). Rather than recycling the battery, the answer must be to reuse them for other energy needs. It is also important to consider where these minerals are sourced. The Democratic Republic of Congo for instance, holds over 60% of the global supply of cobalt (Union of Concerned Scientists 2018). Poor labor practices involved in production of cobalt must be addressed if beneficial goals are to be achieved across the board. Alternative materials are being trialled for the future.

The stance from those in power in Norway is that it should be favourable to choose zero emission cars over the opposite. This is achieved through making the polluter pay if they choose the less environmentally friendly option. It may be too late at the current point in time for countries to start as efficiently as Norway did, but to introduce effective policies for consumers who don’t commit to low emission cars is attainable.

Gardiner, Joey 2017, ‘The rise of electric cars could leave us with a big battery waste problem’, The Guardian, 10 August, viewed 15 June, https://www.theguardian.com/international

Jones, Harvey 2018, ‘What’s put the spark in Norway’s electric car revolution?’, The Guardian, 2 July, viewed 19 June 2019, https://www.theguardian.com/international

Noreweigian Embassy 2019, Towards zero emission transportation in Norway, viewed 15 June 2019, https://www.trbsustainability.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/01/Towards-zero-emission-transportation-in-Norway.pdf

Norsk Elbilforening n.d., Norwegian EV Policy, NE, Oslo, viewed 15 June, https://elbil.no/english/norwegian-ev-policy/

Union of Concern Scientists 2018, ‘Electric Vehicle Battery: Materials, Cost, Lifespan’, Union of Concerned Scientists, 9 March, viewed 15 June 2019, https://www.ucsusa.org

West, Karl 2017, ‘Carmakers’ electric dreams depend on supplies of rare minerals’, The Guardian, 30 July, viewed 19 June 2019, https://www.theguardian.com/au

The 1979 Iranian Revolution and Implications

Iran before the 1979 revolution

In February of 1979, Ayatollah Khomeini led the overthrow of the Shah (king) and succeeded to power in Iran. Iran was relatively modern in the early 20th century, however regressive conservatism imposed by the revolution, which remains today, makes it worthy of attention. I argue that implications of the revolution on Iran itself and the global community at large continue to be significant and worrisome.  

In the early 20th century, constitutional values of Iran drew inspiration from the West. As early as 1925, women’s rights were on the agenda in Iran with Reza Shah Pahlavi acknowledging women’s significance in the population (Rafique & Butt 2017). Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, who rose to power in 1941, succeeding his father, imposed reforms of the ‘White Revolution’. He drew inspiration from modern European values, hoping to steer ‘internal policies on women’s rights and their compulsory education’ through democratic means (Rafique & Butt 2017).

Iran is unique in the sense that it was well ahead of its time in the 20th century for a Muslim majority country. ‘Physical aptitude’ became a requirement for marriage in 1931, and the ages for marriage for a boy and girl were raised to 15 and 18 from 9 and 15 respectively (Rafique & Butt 2017). The Family Protection Act was enacted in 1967, focusing on women’s family rights, through for example, vowing to ‘handle divorce and child custody cases in a civil court’ (Rafique & Butt 2017).

A rising and conservative faction in Iran led by Khomeini, opposed to such progression. The collapse of the Ottoman Empire after World War One in 1918 saw Muslim nations fighting for independence. Iranian conservatives preached that only through religion, could Iran express and return to its true self. The west was viewed as destructively deviant from the true identity of Iran.

Immediately after Khomeini took power in 1979, the identity of Iran began to change. The Family Protection Act was abolished immediately. A law was passed in 1983 to allow for punishment of a woman if she wasn’t wearing a black hijab, which hadn’t been required by law since 1936 (Rafique & Butt 2017). Khomeini stated that ‘women’s honor needed to be preserved’ (Khomeini, cited in Kazmir & Bell 2019) and so the guardian system was introduced. A male, preferably a family member or husband, was required to guard women at all times, and provide permission on their behalf for educational, employment, travel and social matters.

Today, domestically within Iran, implications of the revolution are evident. The Green Movement protests in 2009 reflect the discontent of people within Iran and lack of support for the regime. According to an Amnesty International study released in 2018, over 7000 political activists critical of the Republic have been arrested(Amnesty International, cited in Etehad & Mostaghim 2019). Women’s employment in the labor force is a total of 17% according to the World Bank (World Bank, cited in Etehad & Mostaghim 2019). Today, people are dissatisfied with the high level of unemployment and poor economic progress despite the oil revenues that hold the economy together.

Global implications of the revolution transpired. The United States supported Suddam Hussein, former President of Iraq, with weapons and training, helping Iraq to take control of the Iran-Iraq war. Events such as Saddam Hussein’s invasion of Kuwait in 1991, the creation of al-Qaeda terrorist network and the tragic events of 9/11 have their foundations in elements of the Iranian Revolution. Divisions in the global community remain, with the United States being once a close ally to now a distant enemy.

Perhaps the most worrisome implication that follows the revolution is the inspiration its success could potentially serve to those hoping to achieve the same. The Iranian Revolution displays that a goal of establishing an Islamic State could transform into a reality. There can always be a possibility of ‘winning’ whether it is done ethically or not. Progression and modernisation are essential to remain fluid and adaptable. However, principles of the revolution suggest that the opposite is desirable. The revolution implies that to treat women as objects and to remove their rights is acceptable and in fact in accordance with ‘religion’. I use the term ‘religion’ lightly, because the interpretation of any religion varies widely. Implications upon human rights are immense.

I believe we are some time away from seeing Iran return to its state before the revolution. However, powerful voices of the hopeful will eventually flourish at large.




Etehad, M & Mostaghim R 2019, ‘It’s been 40 years since Iran’s Islamic Revolution. Here’s how the country has chnaged’, LA Times, 11 February, viewed 14 May 2019, https://www.latimes.com

Kazmir, M & Bell, B 2019, ‘Before and After: Iran 1979’, International Policy Digest, 22 February, viewed 14 May 2019, https://intpolicydigest.org

Rafique, S & Butt, KM 2017, ‘Position of Women in Iran: An Analysis of Pre and Post Islamic Revolution’, A Research Journal of South Asian Studies, vol. 32, no. 2, pp. 431-439.

Brunei a prime example of why speaking up matters

Flag of Brunei

Brunei is a small and relatively wealthy country located in Southeast Asia, with Islam being the main religion. In October of 2013, Sultan and Prime Minister Hassanal Bolkiah introduced plans of a new penal code. The code expressed of legally enacting whipping and stoning to death of people found guilty of homosexuality and related acts (Gant 2019). Despite the delay in execution of the law, in early April of 2019, its implementation was expressed.

International widespread condemnation followed the announcement, with the United Nations highlighting serious human rights violations. High profile celebrities such as George Clooney and Ellen DeGeneres called for a boycott of hotels owned by the sultan of Brunei. Companies such as JPMorgan Chase and Deutsche Bank called for their employees to avoid giving business to the hotels too.

Today, the world woke up to the news that Brunei will not be imposing the death penalty on those found to be engaging in homosexual acts. LGBT citizens can still face other penalties such as fines or jail time. However, the retraction of the death penalty imposition is certainly a step in the right direction.

This decision was clearly influenced by the international communities disapproval and responsive action. Although people in this day are disenfranchised, many still do have a voice. Social media platforms must be used to speak up in a good hearted and respectful matter on behalf of the voiceless. Had the international community not spoke up for the rights of the people of Brunei, there is a strong likelihood that retraction would not have occurred anytime soon, or ever.

I compare the value of our voice to the value of our right to vote. They are both vehicles of expression and power. I was stunned by the fact that 4/10 Americans in the 2016 presidential election, who were eligible to vote, did not vote (Pew Research Center 2018). Of course, a single vote or a single voice itself may possess minimal impact. However, the collective influence of accumulated voices and desires rising together is enormous.  Such a privilege should be used wisely and never taken for granted.



Gant, J 2019, ‘Sultan of Brunei says he will NOT enforce the death penalty for gay sex after widespread backlash led by celebrities including Elton John and George Clooney’, Daily Mail, 5 May, viewed 6 May 2019, https://www.dailymail.co.uk/home/index.html

Pew Research Center 2018, For Most Trump Voters, ‘Very Warm’, Feelings for Him Endured, Trust, Facts and Democracy, Washington, viewed 6 May 2019, https://www.people-press.org/2018/08/09/for-most-trump-voters-very-warm-feelings-for-him-endured/

Homogeneity of Japan does not equate to a potential disservice

The uniqueness of Japan is truly breathtaking. For a country to retain such a rich culture and uniformity, in a world of globalisation and Internet crossing borders, is remarkable. My stance remains neutral on whether such uniqueness is for better or worse. By ‘remarkable’, I purely speak to Japan’s observable difference. I believe that the homogeneity of Japan does not equate to potential harm, should Japan remain present in the global context.

My question is this. How long can a relatively homogenous society, sustain itself, with predominantly just itself in the domestic mix?

Japan has an aging population, with close to 127 million people in total according to World O Meters (WOM 2019). Emphasis on a career-oriented lifestyle has shaped values. Social class and ideology seem to differ little throughout the country compared to one such at the United States.

Historical Fushimi Inari Taisha Shrine, Kyoto

Those in governance have called for oneness, with former communication minister Taro Aso preaching for ‘one culture, one civilisation, one race’ (cited in York 2018). Such consistency is expressed through dress, body language, verbal communication, belief systems, persona and tradition within the population.

Japan is one of the only advanced countries in the modern world to have not received a large influx of migrants in the post-war period. The collective society comprises of only 2% of foreign working or studying residents (Okada 2018). This trend can be historically traced back to the Sakoku years. Japanese nationals were forbidden to leave their country, and few foreigners were accepted strictly for business purposes only. However, 2018 saw the highest amount of foreigners yet to live in Japan, a total of 2,497,000 (Osumi 2019). Although a record for the island nation, it ranks low compared to international statistics.

Last year, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe expressed of plans to introduce new visa categories in an effort to reform the system. These plans remain just that at the current time, lacking specific direction. Nevertheless, the absence of subsequent action does not detract from this announcement’s importance, given the country’s history and current state .

Interest from Abe in reforming the immigration system may very well be due to the fact that he recognises the aging population. 1/3 of Japan’s population will be over 65 years old by the year 2040 (See-Yan 2019). However, productivity and innovation are not always positively correlated. Hungary, for example, throughout recent years has experienced negative population growth and around 2% GDP growth per capita  (Black Pigeon Speaks 2017).  

The United Nations has publicly called upon Japan to take in more refugees. Abe’s move could therefore be strategical, with hopes for the nation to be viewed as yielding to external pressure and societal expectation. However, the economy remains strong despite the already decreasing labor force. Last year,

Some thriving export industries of Japan include automobiles, electrical machinery, computers, iron and mineral fuels. The first ever hotel run by robots was opened in Japan, shortly followed by robot run cafes in Tokyo. Low skilled human labor jobs such as administration, security, and cleaning are being and will be easily replaced.

US$738.2 billion worth of goods was exported around the globe by Japan (Workman 2019). There appears to be no demanding event calling for migration to assist the economy, or to richen the culture.

Japan is beginning to collaborate with other foreign markets. Specialisation rather than a focus on inland ability is essential. A Japanese company affiliated with Honda Motor Corporation recently merged with an Israeli technology entrepreneur in an aim to boost artificial intelligence production (Nichols 2019). The government supports such drive for technological innovation, stressing the need for Japan to remain present in alliances with foreign markets. This is essential as competitive technological industries arise within the United States and China.

I don’t believe that Japan’s homogeneity equates to a potential disservice, on the condition that it remain open to drawing inspiration from and working with other markets. I believe that Japan will be used as an example in the international political field as something to inspire to, both in terms of artificial intelligence and migration. It has largely gained global respect and admiration rather than condemnation.

However, Japan’s circumstance is very unique. I believe other countries would struggle to adopt the same model, as they would be forging for themselves an unnatural version of the pure form itself.  


Black Pigeon Speaks 2017, Why Japan Refuses Immigration and Multiculturalism, online video, 3 January, viewed 25 April 2019, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Z3BYCK-3jPc

Nichols, G 2019, ‘AI as a job saver? Why Japan’s auto industry is embracing industry 4.0’,  ZD Net, 19 April, viewed 25 April 2019, https://www.zdnet.com

Okada, Y 2018, ‘Japan’s foreign population hitting a record high’, Mizuho Economic Outlook & Analysis, 25 July, pp. 2-9.

Osumi, M 2019, ‘Number of foreign residents in Japan rose 6.6% in 2018, while number of overstayers grew almost twice as much, government data shows’, The Japan Times, 22 March, viewed 25 April 2019, https://www.japantimes.co.jp

See-Yan, L 2019, ‘Ageing Japan defies demographics’, The Star Online, 6 April, viewed 25 April 2019, https://www.thestar.com.my

Workman, D 2019, ‘Japan’s Top 10 Exports’, World’s Top Exports, 1 February, viewed 29 April 2019, http://www.worldstopexports.co

World O Meters 2019, WOM, Delaware, viewed 1 May 2019, https://www.worldometers.info

York, G 2018, ‘‘One, culture, one race:’ Foreigners need not apply’, The Globe and Mail, 26 April, viewed 25 April 2019, https://www.theglobeandmail.com